Cardiac Science Notifies AED Customers of
Nationwide Voluntary Medical Device Correction

Cardiac Science Corporation [NASDAQ: CSCX] is initiating a voluntary field correction after it was determined certain automated external defibrillators (AEDs) may experience a rare product issue in which the AED may not be able to deliver therapy during a resuscitation attempt. Device failure may affect resuscitation of the patient, which could lead to serious adverse events or death. These AEDs have electronic components which may fail and the failure may not be detected by the device?s periodic self-tests.

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http://www.fda.gov/Safety/Recalls/ucm190605.htm

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Press Briefing on the President's Trip to
Singapore

PRESS BRIEFING BY WHITE HOUSE PRESS SECRETARY ROBERT GIBBS, DEPUTY NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR FOR INTERNATIONAL ECONOMIC AFFAIRS MICHAEL FROMAN, AND DEPUTY NATIONAL SECURITY ADVISOR FOR STRATEGIC COMMUNICATIONS BEN RHODES ON THE PRESIDENT'S TRIP TO SINGAPORE AND THE APEC SUMMIT

 12:57 P.M. JST

MR. GIBBS:  Hello, everyone.  I'll take a few questions after this.  We've got joining us today Michael Froman, Deputy National Security Advisor for International Economic Affairs, to walk you through a little preview of APEC; and Ben Rhodes, if there are any lingering questions from today's speech.  And I'll give it to them.

MR. FROMAN:  Thank you.  Good morning -- good afternoon.  We leave this afternoon for Singapore, as you know.  The President will get there, we expect, in time to join the tail end of the dinner that the leaders are having.  Tomorrow morning he will have meetings with the Prime Minister of Singapore, Mr. Lee.  He'll join the leaders' retreat, which is a two-hour discussion largely around -- the agenda intends to be around balanced and sustainable growth.  Then in the afternoon, I think as you know, he'll see the Indonesian President, the Russian President, and the ASEAN 10 -- the first time that a U.S. President has met with the ASEAN 10.

The purpose of the trip to APEC, as the President said in his speech today, is to engage with what is an important region to the U.S. economy; about 60 percent of U.S. exports currently go to APEC countries, 26 percent of which go to the Asian part of APEC.  That accounts for 3.7 million jobs in the United States.  And for every increase -- every percentage increase in the share of exports to this region going forward it could create an estimated quarter of a million jobs back in the United States.

So engagement with the APEC countries around regional economic creation and trade liberalization is a key part of our economic strategy back home to strengthen exports and build export-related jobs in the United States.

The APEC agenda is one that includes both a discussion of balanced and sustainable and inclusive growth, as well as trade liberalization.  We expect that the APEC countries will embrace some of the outcomes of the G20 summit in Pittsburgh and talk about how they might apply them in this region.  And we expect that there will be a discussion of trade liberalization including the Doha Round and the President's efforts, as he said in his speech, to see whether we can achieve a balanced and ambitious conclusion to those negotiations.

With that, why don't I stop and --

Q    Can I ask (inaudible) --

MR. FROMAN:  You can ask, but I won't answer.  I'll defer -- I think Secretary Geithner may have spoken on that, and I'll defer to his comments on it. 

Q    Mike, can you tell us what the President meant by he "wants to engage the Trans-Pacific Partnership"?  Does he mean join, negotiate?

MR. FROMAN:  I think what he meant is that there is an ongoing initiative called the Trans-Pacific Partnership and that our intent is to engage with them to see whether we can shape that initiative into one that is comprehensive and a very high standard and could serve as a platform for further trade liberalization and regional integration in the region.  We'll begin those discussions with the current and potential future members of the Trans-Pacific Partnership, and see whether this is something that could prove to be an important platform going forward.

Q    Could one of you please just elaborate on the change in the schedule?

MR. GIBBS:  Just quickly, we had built into the schedule a bit of extra time and some downtime, and the President decided very early this morning that he thought it was more important to get to APEC earlier and be part of the discussions tonight.  And so we made that change.

Yes, sir.

Q    Ben, could you explain what the change is in Burma?

MR. RHODES:  Well, I think that, as the President outlined it today, the change is essentially that you've had a period of time where we had sanctions applied and no engagement with the government, and engagement kind of came through other channels.  So the change is really combining direct engagement with the Burmese government, with the ongoing sanctions regime, and laying out for them in very clear terms, as the President did today, what they need to do to have a better relationship with the United States. 

And Assistant Secretary Campbell was there recently, met with Aung San Suu Kyi, and the government as well, as a part of this attempt to press them on these issues through engagement while maintaining a robust sanctions regime.

So the change is just combining engagement with sanctions and putting forward in very clear terms what the steps are that they would have to take in order to have a better relationship with the United States.

Q    Can any of you guys kind of look ahead to the Medvedev meeting tomorrow and what you expect to see coming out of that?

MR. RHODES:  Well, the President has --

Q    What was the question?

MR. RHODES:  Medvedev bilat tomorrow and how -- kind of how we're approaching that.
 
The President developed a very good working relationship with President Medvedev.  They've met several times.  And I think tomorrow will be an opportunity for them to continue to focus on a number of issues that they've been having an ongoing dialogue about all year -- chiefly, our attempts to complete a START treaty agreement with them, and I'm sure that the subject of Iran and North Korea will come up, given Russia's role as a member of both the P5-plus-1 and the six parties.  So really to continue the very constructive and ongoing series of meetings that the President has had with President Medvedev and to move forward on those issues.

Q    Do you expect him to show any specific new progress on that START successor?

MR. RHODES:  I think that they are looking to move forward and we would like to complete that agreement by the end of the year.  And obviously a meeting of the Presidents is an effective way to move that process forward.  There's ongoing negotiations. This meeting is of course taking place in that context, so it's  -- it was an opportunity since Russia will be at APEC to -- for them to get together.  So I think they'll be looking to discuss how to move that forward, yes.

Q    Ben, can I follow up on that?  It's pretty clear that they're not meeting to finalize any last-minute agreements or understandings to put the new START together.  So are they trying to talk about ways to have an umbrella agreement to get you past December 5th in a way that allows the negotiations to continue?

MR. RHODES:  I think that's premature.  I mean, there's an ongoing set of negotiations.  I don't think that we've -- I don't think that the premise that we've decided that it's not going to be complete is what we're operating under.  I think that what they're still -- they're still working towards the kinds of targets that they set out in Moscow when they met earlier this year, and that they'll be working towards a completion of that agreement by the end of the year.

Q    -- in case things aren't resolved by the 5th?

MR. RHODES:  I mean, not -- I mean, right now our focus is on getting an agreement completed.

Q    Michael, the President talked in his speech about free trade, economic engagement with the region.  How does the South Korean free trade agreement fit into that?  And does the administration have any even rough timeline when it would like to see that resolved and put forward and submitted to Congress and moved through that in a way that makes it a real deal?

MR. FROMAN:  I think the President mentioned in his speech that he looked forward to working with our South Korean friends to address the outstanding issues so that we could move forward a trade agreement with them.  That will be, I'm sure, part of the discussion with the South Koreans both in APEC and when we're in Seoul early next week, including with regard to the timetable.

Q    The accent the President put on being the first Pacific President and the fact that America is a Pacific nation -- doesn't this send a powerful message that Europe is not really high on his priorities?

MR. GIBBS:  From the Italian press.

MR. RHODES:  No, absolutely not.  The President is very, very deeply committed to the transatlantic alliance and our European allies.  He's obviously traveled extensively in Europe already this year.  As the President often likes to say, the world is not made up of zero-sum relationships.  And one of the central tenets of his foreign policy is that we need not ignore one part of the world to pay attention to another. 

So certainly not.  On the Pacific point, though, I think there are a number of points I'd underscore that he included in the speech.  One, he was born in the Pacific, in Hawaii.  He grew up in Indonesia.  His mother worked extensively in the region.  He's traveled extensively in the region as a young man.  So this is a part of the world that helped shape his worldview.

And then in terms of the United States, as Mike pointed out, we have a very strong series of relationships in both the economic side and the security side in this part of the world.  I think the President is sending both today in his speech and through this trip a very strong signal that we intend to be deeply engaged in this part of the world, both through our bilateral relationships, through some of these multilateral organizations that, frankly, the United States had not been as engaged in in recent years; and that that is based upon the deep interconnection that we have with the Asia Pacific region and the very extensive common interests that we hold.

But I would -- in no way would that be at the expense of any other part of the world.  Again, the President rejects the notion that there is a zero-sum equation that if you are focused on one thing you can't also be deeply engaged in another.

Q    The President mentioned North Korea and abduction issue in the speech.  Why he didn’t meet the family whose members were abducted in North Korea?

MR. RHODES:  I think he did briefly.  I mean, I would say that -- I'd have to go back and check the text, but the President feels very strongly that -- obviously there's a set of issues that are focused -- there's a set of negotiations that are largely focused on the nuclear program as it pertains to the six-party talks, but part of what the President was saying today -- or what the President was saying today was here is what North Korea needs to do essentially if it would like to have improved relations with the international community and move beyond the isolation that has been applied to it. 

And a key part of that in terms of its attempt to normalize relations with its neighbors, particularly Japan, is a full accounting of the abductee issue for Japanese families.  So the President does feel strongly that the abductee issue is a key step that North Korea has to take as it pertains to any process that would normalize its relationships with its neighbors.

Q    Did the President meet with the family members of abductees?  That was his question.

MR. RHODES:  Frankly, I would have to check, go back and check.  I mean, frankly, we're under, obviously, a tight schedule.

Q    -- family members of abductees were invited to his speech, so I wonder if the President met with the --

MR. RHODES:  I can check.  Not that I'm aware of.  But we can check and let you know.  I mean, I think there was an attempt to include them in the audience, but I'll just have to check if there was any further meeting.

Q    My question is about (inaudible) issue.  In speech President Obama referred to his "neighbors."  Which country are you referring to in the name of "neighbor"?  Does that mean Japan and South Korea?  If South Korea is included, why the President say that normalization between South Korea and North Korea --

MR. RHODES:  I should clarify Japan.  Yes.

Q    In the text it is plural number, "neighbors."  So why it is plural?

MR. RHODES:  I'll have to go back and check the text carefully, but obviously this is an issue that is between Japan and the United States.  As a strong friend and ally of Japan, the United States strongly supports the notion that there needs to be a full accounting of the abductee issue for Japanese families as a part of any -- we would support Japan's position as it pertains to any normalization.

On the other point, I'll just go back and check the text and have to let you know if there was -- what the issue was.

Q    China has recently stopped publishing information about its trade relations with North Korea as of September, and the United States has been trying to isolate North Korea as part of the U.N. sanctions.  Will this come up in any possible meetings in Singapore with the Chinese, this question of no more data from the Chinese on their North Korea dealings?

MR. FROMAN:  I'm not familiar with the issue.  I don't think it is currently on the agenda, although clearly there will be discussion of North Korea with the Chinese, if not in Singapore then during the visit to Beijing.

MR. GIBBS:  Thanks, guys.

END                                      
1:10 P.M. JST
 

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There are no tropical cyclones at this time.

No tropical cyclones as of Sat, 14 Nov 2009 05:55:16 GMT

Read The Full Article:
http://www.nhc.noaa.gov/

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Atlantic Tropical Weather Outlook

000
ABNT20 KNHC 140530
TWOAT
TROPICAL WEATHER OUTLOOK
NWS TPC/NATIONAL HURRICANE CENTER MIAMI FL
100 AM EST SAT NOV 14 2009

FOR THE NORTH ATLANTIC...CARIBBEAN SEA AND THE GULF OF MEXICO...

TROPICAL CYCLONE FORMATION IS NOT EXPECTED DURING THE NEXT 48 HOURS.

$$
FORECASTER BRENNAN



Read The Full Article:
http://www.nhc.noaa.gov/gtwo_atl.shtml

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Remarks by President Barack Obama at Suntory Hall

10:12 A.M. JST

PRESIDENT OBAMA:  Thank you so much.  Arigatou.  Thank you very much.  (Applause.)  Good morning.  It is a great honor to be in Tokyo -- the first stop on my first visit to Asia as President of the United States.  (Applause.)  Thank you.  It is good to be among so many of you -- Japanese and I see a few Americans here  -- (applause) -- who work every day to strengthen the bonds between our two countries, including my longtime friend and our new ambassador to Japan, John Roos.  (Applause.)
 
It is wonderful to be back in Japan.  Some of you may be aware that when I was a young boy, my mother brought me to Kamakura, where I looked up at that centuries-old symbol of peace and tranquility -- the great bronze Amida Buddha.  And as a child, I was more focused on the matcha ice cream.  (Laughter.)  And I want to thank Prime Minister Hatoyama for sharing some of those memories with more ice cream last night at dinner.  (Laughter and applause.)  Thank you very much.  But I have never forgotten the warmth and the hospitality that the Japanese people showed a young American far from home.

And I feel that same spirit on this visit:  In the gracious welcome of Prime Minister Hatoyama.  In the extraordinary honor of the meeting with Their Imperial Majesties, the Emperor and Empress, on the 20th anniversary of his ascension to the Chrysanthemum Throne.  In the hospitality shown by the Japanese people.  And of course, I could not come here without sending my greetings and gratitude to the citizens of Obama, Japan.  (Applause.)

Now, I am beginning my journey here for a simple reason.  Since taking office, I have worked to renew American leadership and pursue a new era of engagement with the world based on mutual interests and mutual respect.  And our efforts in the Asia Pacific will be rooted, in no small measure, through an enduring and revitalized alliance between the United States and Japan.

From my very first days in office, we have worked to strengthen the ties that bind our nations.  The first foreign leader that I welcomed to the White House was the Prime Minister of Japan, and for the first time in nearly 50 years, the first foreign trip by an American Secretary of State, Hillary Clinton, was to Asia, starting in Japan.  (Applause.)

In two months, our alliance will mark its 50th anniversary  -- a day when President Dwight Eisenhower stood next to Japan's Prime Minister and said that our two nations were creating "an indestructible partnership" based on "equality and mutual understanding." 

In the half-century since, that alliance has endured as a foundation for our security and prosperity.  It has helped us become the world's two largest economies, with Japan emerging as America's second-largest trading partner outside of North America.  It has evolved as Japan has played a larger role on the world stage, and made important contributions to stability around the world -- from reconstruction in Iraq, to combating piracy off the Horn of Africa, to assistance for the people of Afghanistan and Pakistan -- most recently through its remarkable leadership in providing additional commitments to international development efforts there.

Above all, our alliance has endured because it reflects our common values -- a belief in the democratic right of free people to choose their own leaders and realize their own dreams; a belief that made possible the election of both Prime Minister Hatoyama and myself on the promise of change.  And together, we are committed to providing a new generation of leadership for our people and our alliance.

That is why, at this critical moment in history, the two of us have not only reaffirmed our alliance -- we've agreed to deepen it.  We've agreed to move expeditiously through a joint working group to implement the agreement that our two governments reached on restructuring U.S. forces in Okinawa.  And as our alliance evolves and adapts for the future, we will always strive to uphold the spirit that President Eisenhower described long ago -- a partnership of equality and mutual respect.  (Applause.)

But while our commitment to this region begins in Japan, it doesn't end here.  The United States of America may have started as a series of ports and cities along the Atlantic Ocean, but for generations we have also been a nation of the Pacific.  Asia and the United States are not separated by this great ocean; we are bound by it.  We are bound by our past -- by the Asian immigrants who helped build America, and the generations of Americans in uniform who served and sacrificed to keep this region secure and free.  We are bound by our shared prosperity -- by the trade and commerce upon which millions of jobs and families depend.  And we are bound by our people -- by the Asian Americans who enrich every segment of American life, and all the people whose lives, like our countries, are interwoven. 

My own life is a part of that story.  I am an American President who was born in Hawaii and lived in Indonesia as a boy. My sister Maya was born in Jakarta, and later married a Chinese-Canadian.  My mother spent nearly a decade working in the villages of Southeast Asia, helping women buy a sewing machine or an education that might give them a foothold in the world economy.  So the Pacific Rim has helped shape my view of the world.

And since that time, perhaps no region has changed as swiftly or dramatically.  Controlled economies have given way to open markets.  Dictatorships have become democracies.  Living standards have risen while poverty has plummeted.  And through all these changes, the fortunes of America and the Asia Pacific have become more closely linked than ever before.

So I want everyone to know, and I want everybody in America to know, that we have a stake in the future of this region, because what happens here has a direct effect on our lives at home.  This is where we engage in much of our commerce and buy many of our goods.  And this is where we can export more of our own products and create jobs back home in the process.  This is a place where the risk of a nuclear arms race threatens the security of the wider world, and where extremists who defile a great religion plan attacks on both our continents.  And there can be no solution to our energy security and our climate challenge without the rising powers and developing nations of the Asia Pacific.

To meet these common challenges, the United States looks to strengthen old alliances and build new partnerships with the nations of this region.  To do this, we look to America's treaty alliances with Japan, South Korea, Australia, Thailand and the Philippines -- alliances that are not historical documents from a bygone era, but abiding commitments to each other that are fundamental to our shared security.

These alliances continue to provide the bedrock of security and stability that has allowed the nations and peoples of this region to pursue opportunity and prosperity that was unimaginable at the time of my first childhood visit to Japan.  And even as American troops are engaged in two wars around the world, our commitment to Japan's security and to Asia's security is unshakeable -- (applause) -- and it can be seen in our deployments throughout the region -- above all, through our young men and women in uniform, of whom I am so proud.

Now, we look to emerging nations that are poised as well to play a larger role -- both in the Asia Pacific region and the wider world; places like Indonesia and Malaysia that have adopted democracy, developed their economies, and tapped the great potential of their own people.

We look to rising powers with the view that in the 21st century, the national security and economic growth of one country need not come at the expense of another.  I know there are many who question how the United States perceives China's emergence.  But as I have said, in an interconnected world, power does not need to be a zero-sum game, and nations need not fear the success of another.  Cultivating spheres of cooperation -- not competing spheres of influence -- will lead to progress in the Asia Pacific.  (Applause.)

Now, as with any nation, America will approach China with a focus on our interests.  And it's precisely for this reason that it is important to pursue pragmatic cooperation with China on issues of mutual concern, because no one nation can meet the challenges of the 21st century alone, and the United States and China will both be better off when we are able to meet them together.  That's why we welcome China's effort to play a greater role on the world stage -- a role in which their growing economy is joined by growing responsibility.  China's partnership has proved critical in our effort to jumpstart economic recovery.  China has promoted security and stability in Afghanistan and Pakistan.  And it is now committed to the global nonproliferation regime, and supporting the pursuit of denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.

So the United States does not seek to contain China, nor does a deeper relationship with China mean a weakening of our bilateral alliances.  On the contrary, the rise of a strong, prosperous China can be a source of strength for the community of nations. 

And so in Beijing and beyond, we will work to deepen our strategic and economic dialogue, and improve communication between our militaries.  Of course, we will not agree on every issue, and the United States will never waver in speaking up for the fundamental values that we hold dear -- and that includes respect for the religion and cultures of all people -- because support for human rights and human dignity is ingrained in America.  But we can move these discussions forward in a spirit of partnership rather than rancor. 

In addition to our bilateral relations, we also believe that the growth of multilateral organizations can advance the security and prosperity of this region.  I know that the United States has been disengaged from many of these organizations in recent years. So let me be clear:  Those days have passed.  As a Asia Pacific nation, the United States expects to be involved in the discussions that shape the future of this region, and to participate fully in appropriate organizations as they are established and evolve.  (Applause.)

That is the work that I will begin on this trip.  The Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation forum will continue to promote regional commerce and prosperity, and I look forward to participating in that forum this evening.  ASEAN will remain a catalyst for Southeast Asian dialogue, cooperation and security, and I look forward to becoming the first American President to meet with all 10 ASEAN leaders.  (Applause.)  And the United States looks forward to engaging with the East Asia Summit more formally as it plays a role in addressing the challenges of our time.

We seek this deeper and broader engagement because we know our collective future depends on it.  And I'd like to speak for a bit about what that future might look like, and what we must do to advance our prosperity, our security, and our universal values and aspirations.

First, we must strengthen our economic recovery, and pursue growth that is both balanced and sustained.

The quick, unprecedented and coordinated action taken by Asia Pacific nations and others has averted economic catastrophe, and helped us to begin to emerge from the worst recession in generations.  And we have taken the historic step of reforming our international economic architecture, so that the G20 is now the premier forum for international economic cooperation.

Now, this shift to the G20, along with the greater voice that is being given to Asian nations in international financial institutions, clearly demonstrates the broader, more inclusive engagement that America seeks in the 21st century.  And as a key member of the G8, Japan has and will continue to play a leading and vital role in shaping the future of the international financial architecture.  (Applause.)

Now that we are on the brink of economic recovery, we must also ensure that it can be sustained.  We simply cannot return to the same cycles of boom and bust that led to a global recession. We can't follow the same policies that led to such imbalanced growth.  One of the important lessons this recession has taught us is the limits of depending primarily on American consumers and Asian exports to drive growth -- because when Americans found themselves too heavily in debt or lost their jobs and were out of work, demand for Asian goods plummeted.  When demand fell sharply, exports from this region fell sharply.  Since the economies of this region are so dependent on exports, they stopped growing.  And the global recession only deepened. 

So we have now reached one of those rare inflection points in history where we have the opportunity to take a different path.  And that must begin with the G20 pledge that we made in Pittsburgh to pursue a new strategy for balanced economic growth.

I'll be saying more about this in Singapore, but in the United States, this new strategy will mean that we save more and spend less, reform our financial systems, reduce our long-term deficit and borrowing.  It will also mean a greater emphasis on exports that we can build, produce, and sell all over the world. For America, this is a jobs strategy.  Right now, our exports support millions upon millions of well-paying American jobs.  Increasing those exports by just a small amount has the potential to create millions more.  These are jobs making everything from wind turbines and solar panels to the technology that you use every day.

For Asia, striking this better balance will provide an opportunity for workers and consumers to enjoy higher standards of living that their remarkable increases in productivity have made possible.  It will allow for greater investments in housing and infrastructure and the service sector.  And a more balanced global economy will lead to prosperity that reaches further and deeper.

For decades, the United States has had one of the most open markets in the world, and that openness has helped to fuel the success of so many countries in this region and others over the last century.  In this new era, opening other markets around the globe will be critical not just to America's prosperity, but to the world's, as well.

An integral part of this new strategy is working towards an ambitious and balanced Doha agreement -- not any agreement, but an agreement that will open up markets and increase exports around the world.  We are ready to work with our Asian partners to see if we can achieve that objective in a timely fashion -- and we invite our regional trading partners to join us at the table. 

We also believe that continued integration of the economies of this region will benefit workers, consumers, and businesses in all our nations.  Together, with our South Korean friends, we will work through the issues necessary to move forward on a trade agreement with them.  The United States will also be engaging with the Trans-Pacific Partnership countries with the goal of shaping a regional agreement that will have broad-based membership and the high standards worthy of a 21st century trade agreement. 

Working in partnership, this is how we can sustain this recovery and advance our common prosperity.  But it's not enough to pursue growth that is balanced.  We also need growth that is sustainable -- for our planet and the future generations that will live here.

Already, the United States has taken more steps to combat climate change in 10 months than we have in our recent history -- (applause) -- by embracing the latest science, by investing in new energy, by raising efficiency standards, forging new partnerships, and engaging in international climate negotiations. In short, America knows there is more work to do -- but we are meeting our responsibility, and will continue to do so.

And that includes striving for success in Copenhagen.  I have no illusions that this will be easy, but the contours of a way forward are clear.  All nations must accept their responsibility.  Those nations, like my own, who have been the leading emitters must have clear reduction targets.  Developing countries will need to take substantial actions to curb their emissions, aided by finance and technology.  And there must be transparency and accountability for domestic actions.

Each of us must do what we can to grow our economies without endangering our planet -- and we must do it together.  But the good news is that if we put the right rules and incentives in place, it will unleash the creative power of our best scientists, engineers, and entrepreneurs.  It will lead to new jobs, new businesses, and entire new industries.  And Japan has been at the forefront on this issue.  We are looking forward to being a important partner with you as we achieve this critical global goal.  (Applause.) 

Yet, even as we confront this challenge of the 21st century, we must also redouble our efforts to meet a threat to our security that is the legacy of the 20th century -- the danger posed by nuclear weapons.  

In Prague, I affirmed America's commitment to rid the world of nuclear weapons, and laid out a comprehensive agenda to pursue this goal.  (Applause.)  I am pleased that Japan has joined us in this effort, for no two nations on Earth know better what these weapons can do, and together we must seek a future without them. This is fundamental to our common security, and this is a great test of our common humanity.  Our very future hangs in the balance.

Now, let me be clear:  So long as these weapons exist, the United States will maintain a strong and effective nuclear deterrent that guarantees the defense of our allies -- including South Korea and Japan.  (Applause.)

But we must recognize that an escalating nuclear arms race in this region would undermine decades of growth and prosperity. So we are called upon to uphold the basic bargain of the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty -- that all nations have a right to peaceful nuclear energy; that nations with nuclear weapons have a responsibility to move toward nuclear disarmament; and those without nuclear weapons have a responsibility to forsake them.

Indeed, Japan serves as an example to the world that true peace and power can be achieved by taking this path.  (Applause.) For decades, Japan has enjoyed the benefits of peaceful nuclear energy, while rejecting nuclear arms development -- and by any measure, this has increased Japan's security and enhanced its position.

To meet our responsibilities and to move forward with the agenda I laid out in Prague, we have passed, with the help of Japan, a unanimous U.N. Security Council resolution embracing this international effort.  We are pursuing a new agreement with Russia to reduce our nuclear stockpiles.  We will work to ratify and bring into force the test ban treaty.  (Applause.)  And next year at our Nuclear Security Summit, we will advance our goal of securing all the world's vulnerable nuclear materials within four years.

Now, as I've said before, strengthening the global nonproliferation regime is not about singling out any individual nations.  It's about all nations living up to their responsibilities.  That includes the Islamic Republic of Iran.  And it includes North Korea. 

For decades, North Korea has chosen a path of confrontation and provocation, including the pursuit of nuclear weapons.  It should be clear where this path leads.  We have tightened sanctions on Pyongyang.  We have passed the most sweeping U.N. Security Council resolution to date to restrict their weapons of mass destruction activities.  We will not be cowed by threats, and we will continue to send a clear message through our actions, and not just our words:  North Korea's refusal to meet its international obligations will lead only to less security -- not more.

Yet there is another path that can be taken.  Working in tandem with our partners -- supported by direct diplomacy -- the United States is prepared to offer North Korea a different future.  Instead of an isolation that has compounded the horrific repression of its own people, North Korea could have a future of international integration.  Instead of gripping poverty, it could have a future of economic opportunity -- where trade and  investment and tourism can offer the North Korean people the chance at a better life.  And instead of increasing insecurity, it could have a future of greater security and respect.  This respect cannot be earned through belligerence.  It must be reached by a nation that takes its place in the international community by fully living up to its international obligations.

So the path for North Korea to realize this future is clear: a return to the six-party talks; upholding previous commitments, including a return to the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty; and the full and verifiable denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula. And full normalization with its neighbors can also only come if Japanese families receive a full accounting of those who have been abducted.  (Applause.)  These are all steps that can be taken by the North Korean government if they are interested in improving the lives of their people and joining the community of nations.

And as we are vigilant in confronting this challenge, we will stand with all of our Asian partners in combating the transnational threats of the 21st century:  by rooting out the extremists who slaughter the innocent, and stopping the piracy that threatens our sea lanes; by enhancing our efforts to stop infectious disease, and working to end extreme poverty in our time; and by shutting down the traffickers who exploit women, children and migrants, and putting a stop to this scourge of modern-day slavery once and for all.  Indeed, the final area in which we must work together is in upholding the fundamental rights and dignity of all human beings.

The Asia Pacific region is rich with many cultures.  It is marked by extraordinary traditions and strong national histories. And time and again, we have seen the remarkable talent and drive of the peoples of this region in advancing human progress.  Yet this much is also clear -- indigenous cultures and economic growth have not been stymied by respect for human rights; they have been strengthened by it.  Supporting human rights provides lasting security that cannot be purchased in any other way -- that is the story that can be seen in Japan's democracy, just as it can be seen in America's democracy.   

The longing for liberty and dignity is a part of the story of all peoples.  For there are certain aspirations that human beings hold in common:  the freedom to speak your mind, and choose your leaders; the ability to access information, and worship how you please; confidence in the rule of law, and the equal administration of justice.  These are not impediments to stability, they are the cornerstones of stability.  And we will always stand on the side of those who seek these rights.

That truth, for example, guides our new approach to Burma.  Despite years of good intentions, neither sanctions by the United States nor engagement by others succeeded in improving the lives of the Burmese people.  So we are now communicating directly with the leadership to make it clear that existing sanctions will remain until there are concrete steps toward democratic reform.  We support a Burma that is unified, peaceful, prosperous, and democratic.  And as Burma moves in that direction, a better relationship with the United States is possible.

There are clear steps that must be taken -- the unconditional release of all political prisoners, including Aung San Suu Kyi; an end to conflicts with minority groups; and a genuine dialogue between the government, the democratic opposition and minority groups on a shared vision for the future. That is how a government in Burma will be able to respond to the needs of its people.  That is the path that will bring Burma true security and prosperity.  (Applause.)

These are steps that the United States will take to improve prosperity, security, and human dignity in the Asia Pacific.  We will do so through our close friendship with Japan -- which will always be a centerpiece of our efforts in the region.  We will do so as a partner -- through the broader engagement that I've discussed today.  We will do so as a Pacific nation -- with a President who was shaped in part by this piece of the globe.  And we will do so with the same sense of purpose that has guided our ties with the Japanese people for nearly 50 years.

The story of how these ties were forged dates back to the middle of the last century, sometime after the guns of war had quieted in the Pacific.  It was then that America's commitment to the security and stability of Japan, along with the Japanese peoples' spirit of resilience and industriousness, led to what's been called "the Japanese miracle" -- a period of economic growth that was faster and more robust than anything the world had seen for some time.

In the coming years and decades, this miracle would spread throughout the region, and in a single generation the lives and fortunes of millions were forever changed for the better.  It is progress that has been supported by a hard-earned peace, and strengthened by new bridges of mutual understanding that have bound together the nations of this vast and sprawling space. 

But we know that there's still work to be done -- so that new breakthroughs in science and technology can lead to jobs on both sides of the Pacific, and security from a warming planet; so that we can reverse the spread of deadly weapons, and -- on a divided peninsula -- the people of South can be freed from fear, and those in the North can live free from want; so that a young girl can be valued not for her body but for her mind; and so that young people everywhere can go as far as their talent and their drive and their choices will take them.

None of this will come easy, nor without setback or struggle.  But at this moment of renewal -- in this land of miracles -- history tells us it is possible.  This is the --America's agenda.  This is the purpose of our partnership with Japan, and with the nations and peoples of this region.  And there must be no doubt:  As America's first Pacific President, I promise you that this Pacific nation will strengthen and sustain our leadership in this vitally important part of the world.
 
Thank you very much.  (Applause.)

                                       
END
10:40 A.M. JST
 

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Weekly Address: Veterans Day and Fort Hood

The President looks back at a week where we honored those who serve on Veterans Day, and mourned those we lost at Fort Hood. He discusses the review he has ordered into the Fort Hood incident, and pledges to stand by our servicemen and women, as well as our veterans, as his most profound responsibility. November 14, 2009. (Public Domain)

Read The Full Article:
http://www.whitehouse.gov/photos-and-video/video/weekly-address-veterans-day-and-
fort-hood

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Weekly Address: President Obama Calls for
Comprehensive Review of Events Leading to Tragedy at Fort Hood

WASHINGTON – With the investigation into the tragedy at Fort Hood ongoing, President Barack Obama used his weekly address to call for a careful and complete review of what happened before the tragedy. 

The full audio of the address is HERE. The video can be viewed online at www.whitehouse.gov.

Remarks of President Barack Obama
Weekly Address
November 14, 2009

This was a week for honoring the extraordinary service and profound sacrifice of our men and women in uniform.

Every fall, we set aside a special day to pay tribute to our veterans. But this year, Veteran’s Day took on even greater poignancy and meaning because of the tragic events at Fort Hood.

On Tuesday, I traveled there to join with the Fort Hood community, the Army, and the friends and families of the victims to honor thirteen of our fellow Americans who died – and the dozens more who were wounded – not on some distant shore, but on a military base at home.

Every man and woman who signs up for military service does so with full knowledge of the dangers that could come – that is part of what makes the service of our troops and veterans so extraordinary. But it’s unthinkable that so many would die in a hail of gunfire on a US Army base in the heart of Texas, and that a fellow service-member could have pulled trigger.

There is an ongoing investigation into this terrible tragedy. That investigation will look at the motives of the alleged gunman, including his views and contacts.  As I said in Fort Hood, I am confident that justice will be done, and I will insist that the full story be told. That is paramount, and I won’t compromise that investigation today by discussing the details of this case. But given the potential warning signs that may have been known prior these shootings, we must uncover what steps – if any – could have been taken to avert this tragedy.

On the Thursday evening that this tragedy took place, I met in the Oval Office with Secretary of Defense Gates, the Chairman of the Joint Chiefs of Staff – Admiral Mullen, and FBI Director Mueller to review the immediate steps that were necessary to support the families and secure Fort Hood. The next morning, I met with the leadership of our military and the intelligence community, and ordered them to undertake a full review of the sequence of events that led up to the shootings.

The purpose of this review is clear: We must compile every piece of information that was known about the gunman, and we must learn what was done with that information. Once we have those facts, we must act upon them. If there was a failure to take appropriate action before the shootings, there must be accountability. Beyond that – and most importantly – we must quickly and thoroughly evaluate and address any flaws in the system, so that we can prevent a similar breach from happening again. Our government must be able to act swiftly and surely when it has threatening information. And our troops must have the security that they deserve.

I know there will also be inquiries by Congress, and there should.  But all of us should resist the temptation to turn this tragic event into the political theater that sometimes dominates the discussion here in Washington. The stakes are far too high.

Of all the responsibilities of the presidency, the one that I weigh most heavily is my duty as Commander-in-Chief to our splendid service-men and women. Their character and bravery were on full display in that processing center at Fort Hood, when so many scrambled under fire to help their wounded comrades. And their great dignity and decency has been on display in the days since, as the Fort Hood community has rallied together.

We owe our troops prayerful, considered decisions about when and where we commit them to battle to protect our security and freedom, and we must fully support them when they are deployed. We also owe them the absolute assurance that they’ll be safe here at home as they prepare for whatever mission may come. As Commander-in-Chief, I won’t settle for anything less.

This nation will never forget the service of those we lost at Fort Hood, just as we will always honor the service of all who wear the uniform of the United States of America. Their legacy will be an America that is safer and stronger – an America that reflects the extraordinary character of the men and women who serve it.

Thank you.

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